Niels Werber

Centre as a Form

On the differentiation of centre and periphery in current semantics with regard to art, urbanism, globalisation, and geopolitics

Vortrag Vilnius, 12. 9. 2002 / Centre of attraction, CAC

Franz Kafka’s short story “Eine kaiserliche Botschaft”, “An Imperial Message”, from 1919 knows a lot about the differentiation of the centre and the periphery. The emperor’s message, sent from his throne, from the middle of his gigantic palace, from the very middle of the known world, is transported by a young and powerful messenger, vested with unlimited authority – however, this young man will never reach the addressee of the message: the emperor’s subject at the outer periphery of the dominion. The message will never arrive because nobody is able to bridge the gap between the core of the realm and the outside edge. In a similar text, called “Beim Bau der chinesischen Mauer” (1917), “During the Construction of the Chinese Wall”, Kafka gives an account of the socio-political conditions in a South Chinese province where nobody knows the name (or anything else) of the recent emperor. The only thing that the people are sure about there is the fact that an emperor is existing somewhere and that one has to serve him, but how, they do not know. The main reason for the communication gap between the centre and the periphery in Kafka’s perspective is the lack of modern communication technologies and transportation facilities. A modern state, which is characterized by the complete control of all the territory within its borders, and its administration therefore need means of transport and communication such as railways, telegraphs, or telephones, as Max Weber emphasized in his work on “Economy and Society”[1] at the beginning of the 20th century.

Certainly, the deficiency of logistics and means of communication is one key reason for the fact that the pre-modern society of Europe and its constructions of reality were structured by the differentiation of the centre and its periphery. The centre: this once meant the core of the realm and capital of the king, the residence of the leading families, the major place of manufacturing and trade, the home of the muses, and the seat of justice and punishment. Far away, there was neither law, nor shelter, neither education, nor glory or rich supply of goods, simply nothing worth knowing off. And far away meant: a substantial geographical, not a social, distance, for example the distance between Johannesburg City and some townships. The periphery was out of focus and control by the centre, left to the local powers and their limitations, restrictions, and marginal decisions. In fact, cultural superiority, natural political dominance, and social pre-eminence were (and still are, for example if you live in New York or belong to the Generation Berlin) typical ingredients of communicated self-descriptions of the centre. Intentionally or not, any event, which took place in pre-modern communication systems up to the 18th century, was selected, sorted, and processed in consideration of the local origin of the communication. In Norbert Elias’s opus magnum on the “Process of Civilisation” one finds many examples for the consequences of this social practice of selection, especially with regard to the difference between Paris and the provinces. Central or peripheral, that was the question (another one was the question of the social status of the persons communicating) – with grave consequences for the probability of connection of any linguistic contribution. No matter which kind of communication, cultural, political, economic, or scientific, if it happened far away from the centre the probability to gain any social attention or to ensure social connection was much smaller than in the centre. 

One has only to remember the state of media technologies in the Middle Ages in order to understand the disregard for the periphery in the centres of pre-modern society. It was very improbable that any announcement or communication would bridge over the huge distance between, say, a far off province and Paris, Rome, Vienna, or Moscow. If, nevertheless, any peripheral matter got the attention of the centres it would have to be recorded as a message or learned by heart by a messenger, to be transported a long distance, and finally to be forwarded through the right channels of the central bureaucracies or of the influential groups at court, as Kafka shows in his stories. In spite of all the legendary “tsars couriers”, very often the centre hardly knew that a far off periphery even existed.[2]

Today, even the Chinese emperor could make a phone call to transmit his orders to a remote subject if only there were still such an institution as an emperor in our times. In concert with the invention of modern technologies the organisation of society has changed; modern society is structured by functional differentiation. At the time when Kafka wrote his stories, society had already been modern for a long time. If one places the stories in a modern context, in the context of their origin, one understands that it is in fact absolutely superfluous for the periphery to know anything about the emperor because the people there live their own lives and participate in processes of communication which are in no way regulated or led by a central power. The German chancellor is not Louis XIV, today’s Berlin is not Versailles. Economy, education, justice, sciences, or arts are autonomous systems now, and their flows of communication notoriously ignore any national or geographic borders. The question what is true or false in a scientific sense, what is right or wrong in the perspective of the positive law, what is a profit or a loss, is independent of space. A central and absolute, all including power, as it was ordinary in pre-modern societies, is lost and absent in each of Kafka’s novels and short stories. Instead, media such as the telephone are omnipresent in Kafka’s work. However, nobody is able to use them in order to communicate with any central instance or authority simply because there is none. The kings are dead.

Thus, the spatial differentiation of centre and periphery seems to have lost all its former significance while new media and communication technologies are devaluating distance as a social category. An email to Vilnius will reach the addressee in a few seconds, no matter how near or far the position of the sender might be. Modern communication systems operate in “independence from territorial borders” and from space in general as the famous German sociologist Niklas Luhmann puts it.[3] Whether information is processed or not is a question of the right coding and no longer a matter of a person’s social rank or his distance from the centre. Social systems such as economy, education, science, or arts do not discern positions or locations, they ignore the social and spatial dimension of communication in favour of the coding: profitable or not, right or wrong, beautiful or ugly, interesting or boring. Norbert Bolz, a well known German professor of media studies, wrote in a monograph on “world communication”, which was edited last year, that “world communication means to give up space”.[4] In our age of globalisation and virtual reality (S. 10), Bolz declares that we all live in one world society without borders in which the question of territoriality has become senseless (S. 38). Helmut Willke, another important German sociologist, has baptized this world society an “Atopia”, a world where the topos has no place any more.[5] I quote a significant passage of this book:

„Die atopische Gesellschaft muß sich in einer Welt ohne Land einrichten. Im Horizont des Atopischen verlieren sich die Stützpunkte erdenschwerer Verläßlichkeit und gravitätischer Traditionen. Sie machen einer konnektivistischen Fluidität Platz, deren Muster und Gestalten kommunikativ konstituierte Figuren bilden und die als Verdichtungen von Kommunikationen sich ebenso schnell auflösen können, wie sie entstanden sind.“ (S. 175)

I give a summarized translation: The a-topian society exists in a world without land. In the horizon of the A-topian the bases of firm reliability and grave traditions are lost. They make room for a connective fluidity whose patterns and figures form condensed figurations and nodes of communication which can dissolveas quickly as they have emerged. 

The a-topian society is bottomless, without solid ground, completely de-territorialized, as Deleuze and Guattari would denominate it. The a-topian world is an immaterial world of communication: “place, space, and distance are quantities to neglect”, insists Willke (S. 13). 

Well, I know that, one year after the S11 attacks and some days or weeks before a massive US military strike on the Iraq, or, to name another suggestive example: some hundred kilometres away from the Russian enclave Kaliningrad with all its border and visa problems with the European Union, this a-topian theory seems to be highly problematic and questionable, but at this point, I will just sketch this view and postpone the discussion. 

The outlinedtheoretical combination of the focus on new media with a disregard for space is a recent take on the question under discussion. “Virtual reality is beyond time and space, it is uchronic and utopian”, one reads in a prominent German publication (“Digitaler Schein”, 1991). Chronos and topos are lost in cyberspace because forms of communication in new media environments run instantaneously wherever you are. However, one could say that who is lost in cyberspace and who’s not is a question of asymmetric access, but this question would imply a regard for space and geopolitics, and hence it is not raised. The Atopian is made of immaterial pieces of information. Hyperlinks connect the entire globe at the speed of light. Distances and locations lose their significance. Space erases itself in the standards of real time communication as well as cultural and regional distinctions lose their importance in the process of this kind of media globalisation. Your location doesn’t matter if any “information is at your fingertips”, to cite the often quoted Microsoft slogan.[6] German media theory actually declares that nowadays “people live in a post-geographic time.” Even Paul Virilio proclaims the dissolution of space in the global networks of new media. The “velocity of real time” puts an end to the “geographic dimension of the world”, with the expected consequence that locations and territorieslose their significance, Virilio writes in an essay on “Information and Apocalypse”.[7]

But is it really a rational conclusion to believe that the human body, which has always been located in time and space, has become “obsolete in this era of tele-technologies running at the speed of light”? Another German sociologist, Rudolf Stichweh, claims that the world society communicates without any demands of the body; the global network of communicating systems functions without bodies and without the necessity to know anything about their possible locations. The body has no impact on processes of communication, and vice versa, the society of communication possesses no force or means to reach the body. As the a-topian society operates without any impact on bodies and space it is a society without the possibility to threat people with physical force. I quoted Willke again here (S. 221, 230) who believes in the unconditional peacefulness of his Atopia, a peace which is guaranteed by the post-geographical, post-spatial, post-physical mode of society. This is what one could read in the last decade – “and I do in part believe it”.[8]

The part of the outlined discourse that I accept is the belief in the huge influence of new media and modern communication systems on the evolution of society, and I would also emphasize the thesis that the ancient European distinction between centre and periphery is somehow outdated. Modern social systems such as economy, arts, politics, science, or education, only focus on the significance of the information of an input in relation to its code and to its functional priority. These systems usually neglect the location and the position of a contributed act of communication. You can participate in elections, take classes or watch television, buy and sell goods, get medical provision or attention in the media wherever you are and whoever you are. What ever counts as true or not, as lawful or not, as profitable or not, as ill or not, does so without any prior regard for space. In modern societies the likelihood of participating successfully in an election or in a scientific competition or in a non-governmental organisation far away from the big capitals is not reduced by the place you live in, whereas in the old Europe the voice of the periphery was seldom heard at court. The modern global world society, to quote Luhmann again, has made of space a mere bagatelle in terms of communication.[9] This might be true in the normal case but there are always exceptions, or, to be more precise, there are exceptional cases and states of emergency, and in these cases bodies and places still matter. In some areas of the world, the exceptional cases have become normal. These areas are called exclusion zones, and the bodies in the exclusion zones do not participate in Willke’s Atopia or Stichweh’s world society, they just vegetate or “live” their lives in the sense that Giorgio Agamben gave to the term, that is: to have nothing but one’s naked life without any inclusion in social institutions or infrastructures. In the exclusion zones mankind is reduced to the biological state of mere bodies. These bodies exist everywhere at the peripheries of the society of global transport and communication. 

Therefore, my thesis would be that it is not the modern society which operates removed from spatial differences, but that it is rather the sociological and media theories which have neglected this issue. As a consequence I would argue that the differentiation of centre and periphery still matters and that it prevails over the enunciated annihilation of space through media technologies – not in every aspect of society, but in some vital topics. This paper aims to outline the importance of space and its social form in recent semantics.

The neglect of space is astonishing because it has already been an important term. Harold Adams Innis for instance, the Canadian theorist and teacher of Marshall Mc Luhan, has focussed the attention of his studies on the great differences in temporal and spatial dimensions of social orders, resulting from the use of different transfer and storage media. A lot of work has been done on the cultural implications of media and geographic circumstances since the 1950s but it has been almost completely ignored in the German discussion. Until the end of the Second World War the combined scientific attention to geopolitics, economy, media, and culture had been a well established and cultivated research field – but research was abandoned all together with its totalitarian deformations. If I were to guess one possible reason for the current disregard for space I would say: Considering the experiences of totalitarianism with regard to the tradition of German geopolitics (e.g. the Nazi rhetoric of space such as “Lebensraum” and “Mittellage”), the recent self-cancellation of the nation and its space in an a-topian world society might appear very attractive to Germany. Geopolitics have somehow been transformed in trans-national institutions like the EU or UNO and in trans-national media networks like the Internet. The territorial location of politics or economy seems more and more negligible if one describes oneself as a node of a global network or a global player in a worldwide boundless game. Perhaps the historical heritage of Nazi geopolitics has made post-war German media theory unable to investigate space – and thus it has become negligent to subsequent questions about the spatial distribution of power and technologies.

As a consequence, the asymmetric form of centre and periphery has sociologically been noticed merely in an historical way, as we have seen, and has been located in the European Middle Ages some hundreds of years ago. In our modern times this difference has been surmounted by communication technologies, as one could state the basic supposition of German media theory and sociology. It doesn’t matter where you are if you have access to a cell phone, the internet or a fax machine. Briefly spoken, German semantics of new media notoriously ignore the spatial and material dimensions of communication. The implications of this “blind spot”, the lacking respect for space,become especially perceptible in the works of the most prominent representatives of German sociology and philosophy: Niklas Luhmann and Jürgen Habermas. Neither Habermas’s central term, the discourse, nor Luhmann’s concept of communication refer to any kind of material context where the interactions implied in their theories might possibly take place. A direct result of this blind spot is in both cases a disregard for the materiality of media technologies which inevitably have a spatial extension. For example, distribution media surmount distances in order to reach postal addresses located in physical space; otherwise, they would be superfluous. 

In her work on “Global Cities”[10] Saskia Sassen refers for instance to the connection of media, their material setting and their territorial power. The hidden hardware of the cyberspace: fibre optic cables can be disconnected violently, frequencies can be disturbed, satellites shot, news intercepted. And the “wetware”, that is people using media technologies, can be traced back and hunted and attacked, as has happened in China or elsewhere. It seems absolutely naïve to claim, as Bolz does, that in the age of worldwide communication the geographical dimension does not play any role at all.[11] It definitely does because everything that might be virtual or cyber today still supposes physical, material, and therefore spatial foundations – servers are located and connected, mobile phones or TV need transmitters, every gadget needs a user somewhere. 

This geopolitical aspect of the media society is truly visible. If one looks at a map and imagines the worldwide internet server locations, the millions of kilometres of connecting cables, and the concentration of traffic, one will immediately get an idea of the relevance of spatial differences. The most powerful axis of this new differentiation of centre and periphery binds up the major international financial and business centres: New York, London, Tokyo, Paris, Frankfurt, Zurich, Amsterdam, Los Angeles, Sydney, Hong Kong, Bangalore, Shanghai. Rieko Akatsuka has stated that “physical cities are connected with each other via cyberspace in a global network functioning in real time”. In fact, the intensity of real time transactions among these cities – particularly through the financial markets, transactions in services and investments, and evidently always via high-speed media – has increased sharply. The spatial relations of the global cities’ network which are thus produced can be thought of as a cross-border network of specific sites, embedded only partly in the regional and national environments. I say partly because in correspondence to this development of connections an increasing inequality in the concentration of strategic resources and activities between each of these cities and others in the same region or country can be observed. Perhaps hierarchies within these centres have been eliminated by the use of new media, as Rieko Akatsuka believes and as a lot of business consultants or management counsellors would confirm (flat hierarchies through enhanced media networks, was the motto in the economy of the 90s), but in return new and solid barriers have been built up instead. To sum it up: There are some important cities and attractive centres which are interconnected, but there is a huge periphery around them with fading importance, and moreover there is still a black continent. And these differences matter: to live at the peripheries implies more and more the constraint to survive in favelas or slums; to be digitally homeless becomes more and more a symptom of exclusion. 

Santiago Sierra shows us in each of his celebrated video experiments, which present the zones of exclusion in highly included centres of attraction like this Triennial, what one can do with the bodies of people living in these excluded peripheries. I reckon, this kind of art must not be confused with any real exchange or interaction between the centres and their extreme oppositions, the excluded peripheries, because the videos only deal with representations, signs, or signefiants/signifiers. No body, no material is taken out of there, and nobody and nothing is taken in for a considerable period, no substantial link is implemented between the centre and the periphery. I doubt that any of the participants of Sierra’s works will ever get the chance to visit an exhibition, a gallery, or an art fair to watch the videos. On the contrary, the maintenance of geopolitics, which divides the world into centres and peripheries, is probably strengthened by the information that on Cuba men will jerk off publicly for some bucks or that whores can be tattooed with a line for some cash. If some recent New York art expositions have shown that Amazonian Indians can be hunted like animals or orphans from South-American favelas can be used as organ banks or for snuff movies the geopolitical gap surely becomes a theme and visible. But whatever the aesthetic consequences might be: the periphery is still the periphery – even if it is filmed or photographed or put down in novels for a culture which makes the centres attractive, wealthy, healthy, and secure. In some respect, the pre-modern form of the differentiation of centre and periphery still prevails: the periphery may well become a subject of communication in the centres but in the rarest case it will know that it is a topic. And in none of the cases the periphery itself becomes an agent. One could say that some works of art make the periphery become a topic and that they present it in the centres of attraction but the periphery itself seldom knows about that. It is not only sarcastic to state that the average artist taking part in the Documenta 11 was born somewhere in the Lebanon, in Uganda, in the Iran, the Ivory Coast, or Jamaica and now lives in London, New York, Paris, Munich, or Berlin. The curator’s favourites seem to be multiethnic and multicultural, creolité was one of the topics of the Documenta 11 “platforms”. One artist, Glenn Ligon, who was born and still lives in New York, says that he was born “in the Bronx” of New York. His work reflects his “cultural dislocation” and is called “stranger in a village”. 

Everyone who is able to do so leaves the peripheries. And the peripheries are maintained as a subject or topic, useful to win the attention of the centres. I am very far from raising the question of authenticity, and I do not even want to criticize this re-territorialisation of the artist, I just want to describe the fissures between the semantics used by the curator and the reality of the differentiation of centres and peripheries.

Obviously, the centre as a social form and sociological term functions nowadays as a difference with two interdependent sides. If one looks at the new global grid of information flows and economic transactions one can distinguish a new geography of centralization which cuts across national boundaries and across the old North?South or East-West divisions – a centralization based on the exclusion of the peripheral which is pushed out to the margins. It is an integral aspect of the politics of this geography of centralization that its periphery, the zones of exclusion, the “black holes” of the global information society, are not noticed and without any impact on global communication, and at this point art might help for a closer look. The nodes of the global grid are, one could say, centres of attraction – fascinating all the observers by their irresistible gravity. To prefer the centres means to neglect the peripheries. And this disregard is easier and more evident if one believes that media tend to annihilate the significance of space and location or that the differentiation of centre and periphery has become obsolete nowadays. It is the main effect of the space-less semantics of new media that the differentiation of centre and periphery could be faded out. 

The heavy impact of media technologies on space and bodies has also been a major theme at the Documenta 11, and it might be an important effect of these works that they make something visible which is hidden by a somewhat scholastic and academic discussion about the a-topian globalisation and its post-hegemonic world society of communication which is supposed to be free of frictions. In Tania Bruguera’s installation for the Documenta a sign on the outside warns you to cross the threshold of the installation at your own risk. The visitorenters a dark room and stares into the darkness without orientation but suddenly he is blinded by very powerful spot- or searchlights. Sightless, one can hear some persons walking in military boots, assembling and disassembling rifles. This disturbing setting fits in with a prison, a border, a military camp, a secured area, an extraterritorial enclave, or a guarded neighbourhood. The visitor is the alien intruder, and the alien intruder is, if one believes Deleuze and Guattari or Giorgio Agamben, the actual political form of the enemy. In the perspective of these philosophers it is part of the signature of our epoch that everybody can be transformed into this alien other who must be excluded, or, if he or she has already intruded, must be hunted. In this installation one can make the experience and get the feeling of coming from the periphery, trying to gain entry to the centre. Bruguera, by the way, was born in Havana and she still lives there.

Of course, the curator of the Baltic Triennial knows about all this, and many participants of this Centre of Attraction are explicitly dealing with the differentiation of centre and periphery and its social consequences. Marjetica Potrc’s work “The Pursuit of Happiness” deals with “Border cities like Tijuana and San Diego” and investigates into “border barriers”. If one takes on a more conceptual, less aesthetic view, one will find a lot of similar projects at the current documenta XI, for example Chantal Akerman’s videos from the “other side” of the American-Mexican border, or Fareed Amaly’s installation “from/to” which is a quasi sociological research of the Palestine-Israel conflict, focussing on geographic and demographic problems. In a very interesting exposé of his project, Klinov claims that the “main Centre of Attraction of the Western Civilization” is obviously the US-lifestyle. “All economic, political, social, cultural and other centres”, he writes, “are only mechanisms of achievement of this main centre” to which he gives the name Dolce Vita. Klinov claims that one year ago, on S11, “war” was declared on this “Centre of Attraction” or attractive centre. He does not stand alone with this opinion. I want to point out that the important security counsellor and US-adviser Zbiniew Brzezinski supports this hypothesis in his famous essay entitled “The only Superpower. The US-Strategy of Global Domination”[12]. Herein he informs us about the idea that one main part of the hegemonic supremacy of the USA is a soft power called “American way of life” or western culture. Lifestyle, or dolce vita, is an integral component of the so called “new hegemony” which is based on the domination of either the communication systems or the patterns of the communicated information. To speak with Mc Luhan’s words: the USA are in control of the media and of the messages, they dominate the technologies and the cultural production, they have got Cisco Systems for the fibre and Disney for the content. Samuel P. Huntington’s outlook on a forthcoming “Clash of Civilizations” (1996) affirms this opinion. Huntington, too, names the USA the only superpower which is able to take global action, be this economical, political, military, or cultural. Sometimes with the backing of Europe, sometimes with the help of local supporters the USA act as a global leader, presenting themselves with an absolutely clean conscience as the US agenda is deeply rooted in universal ethic values such as human rights, free trade, freedom of the seas, free access to information and free press, democracy, individualism, or free markets. Of course, all these so called universal values go very well along with the national interests of the United States. Huntington writes: “What is universal for the West, is imperialism for the rest of the world.”[13] Like Brzezinski Huntington argues that most of the global institutions of international politics like the WTO, the UNO, or even the NATO are instruments of American interests. The problem is, Huntington writes, that the West firmly believes in the superiority and universal validity of their own values and institutions. This global and universal perspective gets in conflict with regional cultures and traditions. It sounds paradox but the universal semantics of western global policy operate regardless of space, too – because the universal perspective of globalisation ignores the diversity of cultures and the multilateral structure of powers. While Brzezinski believes that the single force of the USA will prevail as the only superpower and global leader, Huntington warns that this belief will foster the clash of civilizations. He calls for and demands a multilateral world of equal cultural circles. Modern media, in this view, will either be the instrument of a hegemonic superpower or they will function as the environment for a multitude of communicating regional cultures. Media could be part of the struggle for hegemony because they promote a particular life style worldwide, or media could just mediate between equal partners. It was exactly this alternative which was shared in the description of world politics by German geopolitics in the 1930s. At that time, the alternative to a threatening world war for global hegemony seemed to be the multilateral order of regional powers with limited zones of influence. Main area’s order with a ban on the intervention of external powers, Carl Schmitt called this model in 1940, “Großraumordnung mit Interventionsverbot raumfremder Mächte”. Huntington cites exactly this model of German geopolitical thought if he recommends the US politics to abstain from any intervention in conflicts outside the western main area, that is: the area of America and Europe. (S. 522) The doctrine of abstinence, Huntington calls this political principle. Whether this doctrine could help to solve the problems in the Near East or in Central Asia I cannot know but obviously enough, there are two different perspectives on world politics: a more global and universal view on the one hand which neglects regional diversity and particular rights, and on the other hand a more regional and particular sight which shows the tendency towards an isolation of the western powers. The first perspective believes in the partition of the world into centre and periphery: and the centre, that is the USA; even the S11-terrorists share this view because their attacks were meant to be understood as a war of the peripheries against the centre. The World Trade Centre was definitely the symbol of the central hegemonic superpower which Al-Qaeda wanted to destroy. The second perspective is multi-centred. The global society is structured in a multilateral pattern which means that there is a multitude of regional actors playing, thus, consistently, space, regional differences and local or singular interests do matter. This is not an Atopia. This is Huntington’s world of conflicting interest spheres and cultural circles. But however these spin doctors might analyse world politics – in almost every area of the world borders, walls, fences, and trenches are built in order to secure zones of prosperity and wealth against the alien intruder. Each of these zones has its own periphery which is excluded.

To make one last take on the issue let me return to the field of art once again. In his essay “black box”, an introduction into the documenta XI catalogue, the art director and chief curator Okwui Enwezor refers to the studies of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (S. 45). In their book “Empire” they confirm the opinion of the US-adviser Zbiniew Brzezinski. The USA are described as a superpower which covers the globe with its fibres of a new kind of hegemony, not only based on weapons but on the worldwide control of cultural and financial currencies. Today the sovereignty of the empire, as Enwezor states, has got a “de-territorialized form”. This term refers to Deleuze’s and Guattari’s works and indicates that power is not defined by its control over a specific territory and its impact on the people living there any more. De-territorialized power is a post-spatial and therefore post-colonial and post-imperialistic power which is implemented in the codes and customs of culture, communication and commerce. It is without centres and peripheries. The domination of the US works beyond space and territories. Enwezor refers to Agamben’s term of “a-territoriality” in order to describe this new type of supremacy. 

Nevertheless, Enwezor speaks in terms of space when he refers to S11 and the consequences. I want to mention here that the documenta book begins with a sequel of pictures and video-stills documenting the attack and the worldwide reactions and effects. One sees a man literally falling into death along the facades of the WTC, one sees Ground Zero and Osama bin Laden and riots in Arabian countries. Enwezor proclaims that Ground Zero is part of an “antagonistic battle” between the West and the rest. He says that the western worldis the “sphere of global totality” which controls the main flows of communication. Whatever the West does, its dominant goal is to perpetuate the influence and supremacy of European and American lifestyle (S. 46). The terrorist attacks against the WTC and the Pentagon have been part of a broad rebellion of the ‘third world’ against western domination. The political Islam, I quote Enwezor, is a resistance movement initiated “to preserve their genuine societies and authentic ways of living from the integration in the global western system.” (S. 46)

In this perspective, Ground Zero is not only in Downtown Manhattan but also in “Gaza, Ramallah, or Jerusalem. Even in the ruins of Afghan cities.” Enwezor says, “Ground Zero is perhaps the location where the formerly colonised world gets its revenge from on the West.” S11 was Judgement Day. Enwezor believes that S11 must be understood as the incident in which “the periphery moves into the centre” (S. 47). If this implies that the periphery moved into the centre of western attraction Enwezor is definitely right.

In the further steps of his argumentation, Enwezor claims that the ongoing war against the terror in Afghanistan, the Palestine fight against the Israeli hegemony, the combats of the anti-globalisation movements in Genua, Seattle, and Montreal, the worldwide demonstrations against the IWF and the World Bank, that all these acts of rebellion are symptoms of the periphery invading the centre. (S. 48) Ground Zero, as Enwezor states, is a metaphor for this worldwide “anti-hegemonic opposition” (S. 48).

I think this kind of relativism is extremely problematic and cynical. I do not think one should qualify the Attac movement and the Al-Qaeda in relative terms. Measures and terms are absolutely different here. Enwezor avoids the term “terrorism” when he deals with the S11 attacks; on the contrary he puts the term in quotation marks while discussing the war of the USA against “terrorist” elements (S. 48). This relativism might also be an ideological problem but the epistemological fallacy I am interested in here is the paradoxical dualism of Enwezor’s article which, on the one hand, argues that the world society is de-territorialized, a-topian, and post-spatial, and, on the other hand, declares that a war of the peripheries against the centre of a worldwide western hegemony is going on. Two types of divergent semantics are used in current descriptions of the world society. One is strongly influenced bymedia and sociological theories which operate without any regard to spatial or geopolitical categories; networks and nodes have taken the place of locations and territories. The other point of view is structured by a simple dualism of the centre and the periphery, the dichotomy of the West and the rest. Hence, concepts of hybrid structures (S. 51) and a-territoriality (S. 45) are confused with spatial models, especially with the supposition of a worldwide combat of two parties, the periphery and the centre. And sometimes it seems to be the curator’s opinion that works of art should simply illustrate these models and concepts. However, a theory which could deal with these diverse descriptions of current conflicts is not in sight. Fortunately, art already shows the frictions and inconsistencies between the aspects of the topian and the dissolution of space through media. This, definitely, is one attraction of the “centre of attraction”. 



[1] “Neben den fiskalischen Voraussetzungen bestehen für die bureaukratische Verwaltung wesentlich verkehrstechnische Bedingungen. Ihre Präzision fordert Eisenbahn, Telegramm, Telephon und ist zunehmend an sie gebunden.” (Max Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Tübingen 1922, 5. Aufl. Tübingen 1980, S. 129).
[2] Niklas Luhmann, Die Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft, Frankfurt am Main 1997, S. 664.
[3] Luhmann, Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft, S. 166.
[4] Bolz, Weltkommunikation, München 2001, S. 8.
[5] Helmut Willke, Atopia. Studien zur atopischen Gesellschaft, Frankfurt am Main 2001.
[6] Cf. Bolz, Weltkommunikation, S. 11.
[7] Paul Virilio, Information und Apokalypse. Die Strategie der Täuschung, München, Wien (Hanser) 2000, S. 14.
[8] To quote Horatio, Hamlet (I.,1.): „So I have heard / and do in part believe it“.
[9] Luhmann, Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft, S. 152.
[10] Sassen, Saskia, The global city. Rev. ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press 2000.
[11] Bolz, Weltkommunikation, S. 53.
[12] Zbigniew Brzezinski, Die einzige Weltmacht. Amerikas Strategie der Vorherrschaft (1997), Frankfurt/Main 1999, S. 46.
[13] S. P. Huntington, Der Kampf der Kulturen, München, Wien 1998, S. 292.